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Gambling addiction hotline amplify test

Postby Kigarn В» 17.08.2019

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Drawing from strategies used effectively in other areas of public health, key elements for a gendered approach to harm prevention were identified and adapted into practical public health research, policy and practice strategies. A gendered approach was identified as a strategy used successfully in other areas of public health to shift the focus onto women and to ensure they are considered in research. These key elements were adapted to create a conceptual framework for reducing and preventing gambling harm in women.

The framework provides regulatory direction and a research agenda to minimise gambling-related harm for women both in Australia and internationally. Evidence-based policies should be implemented to focus on the influence of gender and associated factors to address gambling-related harm.

Practical interventions must take into account how women conceptualise and respond to gambling risk in order to develop specific harm prevention programs which respond to their needs. Gambling is a well-recognised public health issue that causes significant harms for individuals, their families and communities [ 1 , 2 , 3 ].

Gambling products are more accessible and available than ever before, are embedded within community and online environments, and have become increasingly normalised through their alignment with valued social and cultural activities, such as sport [ 4 ]. While research shows that women have similar gambling participation rates as men [ 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 ], compared with the past when men were more likely to gamble than women [ 9 , 10 ], there is a clear and well-recognised male bias in the gambling literature [ 11 , 12 , 13 ].

This may have had major implications for gambling policy and harm prevention initiatives, particularly if public health initiatives and behavioural treatment models are based on the findings of research conducted predominantly with men. For example, the Victorian Prevalence Study in Australia reported that Further, new gambling products and environments may increasingly appeal to women and may influence their participation in gambling, their conceptualisation of the risks and benefits of gambling and their experiences of gambling-related harm.

It is therefore critical to develop effective evidence-based public health harm prevention strategies which are tailored to the needs of women. An additional file also provides a summary of the current evidence base relating to women's gambling and the key findings, methodologies, limitations, and declarations of funding for each research study Additional file 1.

Based on public health approaches in tobacco control which highlighted the importance and effectiveness of gendered approaches to smoking prevention, the paper proposes a framework for a comprehensive gendered approach to gambling research, policy and practice. In the last decade, some prevalence studies have demonstrated that gambling participation rates are roughly similar for both women and men [ 5 , 7 , 8 ].

Similarly, in Canada, a survey in Quebec found that A few studies have also demonstrated increases in the number of women engaging in regular gambling [ 6 , 7 , 8 ]. This study also showed that younger women, in particular, had the greatest increases in frequency of gambling, across a range of gambling products [ 8 , 19 ]. In Australia, the Victorian Prevalence Study reported that over one in ten Other countries report slightly lower gambling risk rates for women, which may be a result of variances in the availability of gambling products, gambling opportunities and cultural differences [ 8 , 14 , 16 ].

There are also significant issues with the way gambling harm is measured in prevalence studies, with researchers identifying that screening tools underestimate the true extent of the harm individuals experience from gambling [ 20 , 21 ]. There has been very limited qualitative commentary on why regular participation in gambling may be increasing for women.

This concept, originally mentioned in the Australian Productivity Commission Report [], describes a trend of more women gambling, developing problems with gambling and seeking help for gambling following an increase in access and availability of electronic gambling machines EGMs [ 23 ].

The introduction of casinos, clubs, and hotels that contained EGMs provided glamourous entertainment venues that were attractive to women [ 24 , 25 ]. This was viewed as a clever marketing tactic that, along with widespread advertising campaigns, promoted gambling as an acceptable leisure activity for women [ 24 , 25 , 26 ].

However, a shift in the gambling landscape in the UK, which saw an increase in online gambling, an increase in gambling advertising and sponsorships and limited government regulation, legitimatised gambling as a valid recreational activity among women [ 19 ].

For example, research has suggested that women prefer chance-based forms of gambling, such as lotteries, bingo and EGMs, compared to men who prefer skill-based forms of gambling, such as wagering and poker [ 6 , 7 , 18 , 28 ]. Some researchers have argued that this is because women generally avoid products that involve a skill element, suggesting that a lack of technical knowledge about specific games may influence their product preferences [ 29 ].

Other researchers have argued that gender roles and expectations, including the activities that boys and girls engage in from childhood [ 28 , 30 , 31 ], may partly protect women from engaging in and experiencing harm from gambling as adults [ 28 , 31 ]. However, these explanations assume that gender roles and expectations, and therefore activity preferences, are relatively fixed and unchangeable. They do not reflect the current gambling landscape in which a range of products, industry promotional strategies and gambling environments may increasingly expose, appeal to or target women with a range of different gambling opportunities.

For example, recent research found that regardless of gender, young people who were engaged in sport had high-level recall of gambling advertising and positive attitudes towards gambling products [ 32 ].

This indicates that young women may be equally at risk of gambling harm as young men, when exposed to industry advertising [ 32 ]. For example, prevalence studies in both Australia and the UK have demonstrated a significant increase in women betting on horse racing [ 6 , 8 ]. McCarthy and colleagues found that while, overall, women gambled on EGMs more than any other gambling product, young women in particular gambled on a range of products, including betting on sports and horse racing [ 33 ].

This contradicts previous research that has asserted that women have limited interest in skill-based products [ 29 ]. Advances in technology and the liberalisation of gambling regulation has meant that gambling is more accessible and available than ever before. Researchers have argued that this accessibility has led to an increase in the number of women participating in gambling [ 35 ], with some suggesting that newer online platforms remove the some of the stigma associated with women attending male-dominated gambling venues [ 27 ].

While very limited research has investigated why physical or online environments may be increasingly normalised for women, some suggest that the gambling industry may be employing specific strategies to ensure that gambling environments are increasingly attractive, socially acceptable, and inclusive environments for women [ 37 , 38 ].

There is some evidence that the gambling industry may be seeking to appeal to women through marketing; however, the evidence in the academic literature is sparse. While much of this marketing remains undocumented in academic research, there is some evidence in the literature of gambling companies using glamour to appeal to women and using female celebrities to promote their products [ 41 ].

In the past, women were portrayed in gambling advertising as sexually provocative to appeal to men [ 42 ]. However, more recently, wagering companies have used a range of tactics which may appeal to women, including featuring women in lead roles in their promotions [ 43 ] and using female celebrities to promote gambling brands on social media sites such as Instagram [ 44 ].

There may be parallels with appeal strategies used by the tobacco industry where cigarette companies featured women extensively in advertising campaigns and used slogans that emphasised luxury and elegance [ 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 ]. This includes studies that show that particularly for older women, boredom and loneliness are significant motivating factors for gambling, although the same has not been found for men [ 36 , 50 ], with some women using gambling as a coping mechanism to deal with anxiety and stress [ 29 , 36 , 50 ].

Australian research has found that young women in particular engage with gambling with their friends as part of their social rituals, suggesting that there may be a degree of socio-cultural acceptance associated with gambling for some groups of young women [ 33 ]. While gender is an important predictor of gambling behaviour and trajectory of gambling problems, the effect of gender overlaps with the effect of other psychosocial correlates [ 51 ].

Known as the gender-as-proxy hypothesis, researchers suggest that while gender uniquely contributes to gambling patterns, gendered explanations often fail to specify the underlying mechanisms for these differences [ 51 , 52 , 53 ]. Therefore, exploring the psychosocial factors that are associated with gender are more constructive to understanding gambling behaviour in order to develop effective preventative and treatment approaches [ 51 , 52 , 53 ].

This warrants greater emphasis on the unique characteristics of at-risk populations, such as older women and indigenous women who may be increasingly vulnerable to gambling-related harm.

Gambling-related harm is also linked to a range of comorbidities for women that are significantly higher than for men [ 54 , 56 ]. Compared to men, women who experience problem gambling are more likely than men to report comorbidities with anxiety and depression [ 57 , 58 ], higher frequency of personality disorders [ 59 ], co-occurring alcohol-related problems [ 54 , 60 ], greater psychological distress [ 61 , 62 ] and are more likely to have experienced childhood abuse [ 57 ].

It has been recognised that women from ethnic minorities and indigenous communities may be particularly vulnerable to experiencing gambling harm [ 65 ]. For example, Hagen et al. Studies with Southeast Asian women in Australia communities have explored their attraction to gambling as a way to relieve stressors in relation to the acculturation process [ 29 , 64 , 65 ].

These studies have found that while gambling environments are social, inclusive and accessible to those of non-English speaking backgrounds, gambling behaviour has been found to significantly negatively impact several aspects of their lives [ 29 , 64 , 65 ].

Positive perceptions about the social and financial benefits of gambling may also impact on how some sub-groups of women may conceptualise and experience gambling-related harm and may be a key risk factor for problem gambling [ 37 , 68 , 69 ]. For example, Thomas and Lewis [ 37 ] found older women had lower perceptions of the harm associated with gambling at EGM venues because they felt that there was a trade-off between the social benefits of the gambling environment and the money they lost on EGMs [ 37 ].

Similarly, research has demonstrated that older women felt safe and welcomed in gambling environments, reporting that the benefits of attending gambling venues heavily outweighed monetary losses from EGMs [ 68 ]. While they described regularly gambling more money on EGMs than they intended to, they perceived gambling as one of the few available and accessible leisure activities for older women [ 68 ].

For example, research has demonstrated that partners and family members of gamblers are often impacted by the harms associated with gambling, despite not gambling themselves [ 70 , 71 , 72 ]. This includes financial impacts, such as loss of savings and theft, psychological stresses, such as anxiety and depression, and relationship difficulties, such as loss of communication and trust in their partner [ 70 , 73 , 74 ].

Studies also show that gambling problems can become a source of arguments between partners and cause an increase of violence in the relationship [ 14 , 75 , 76 ]. There is a distinct relationship between problem gambling and family violence [ 70 , 72 , 77 , 78 ]. Suomi and colleagues [ 70 ] reported that family members were often victims of violence by a problem gambler family member, citing an association between gambling behaviour and the violence.

Further research indicates that this violence can be bi-directional, with family members of problem gamblers reporting being both victims and perpetrators of family violence [ 70 , 72 , 78 , 79 ]. While women were once perceived to be protected from the harms of gambling, a changing gendered landscape, which includes new products, new media, and new technology, means that more women are gambling and experiencing harm from gambling than ever before.

Despite this, the lack of gender-specific research has contributed to a perception that gambling problems for women are indistinguishable from those of men, masking the concerns and issues relevant for women who gamble. The following section describes how a gendered approach has been applied in other areas of public health, to guide public health research and harm prevention initiatives.

We argue that a gendered approach, which focuses on the health of men and women separately, is essential in future gambling research, policy and practice in order to develop specific and effective health improvement strategies to meet the needs of different population subgroups [ 80 ]. With specific reference to women, researchers in other areas of public health, and in particular in tobacco control, have clearly demonstrated the importance of developing research and policy initiatives which reflect and seek to understand the experiences of women [ 81 , 82 ].

These include standalone investigations which exclusively examine and report evidence relating to women, including exploring the external factors that influence health outcomes for women and how such outcomes impact their quality of life [ 81 , 82 ].

For example, the World Health Organization argued for the importance of incorporating gender into tobacco control measures after extensive research found gendered differences in how tobacco affected individuals and that tobacco control measures were impacted by gender-specific issues, which in turn affected the application and impact of policy interventions [ 83 , 84 ].

Researchers then used this information to suggest changes to tobacco policies which were guided by a gender framework [ 82 ]. This challenged the gender bias that was inherent in tobacco control policies and programs, caused by a lack of gender-specific research and inadequate provision of services relevant for women [ 82 ].

Critical to the development of successful tobacco control interventions for women was a robust independent research evidence base, which specifically explored the biological, social, cultural, commercial and economic factors that influenced health outcomes for women [ 81 , 82 ]. Greaves stated that:. Using a gendered approach, the World Health Organization in proposed a series of recommendations to incorporate gender into tobacco control measures.

For example, the gender and tobacco control policy report recommended collecting and analysing gender-specific information on tobacco use, evaluating the effectiveness of tobacco control measures and using gendered education and communication approaches to increase public awareness and support for enforcement of effective tobacco control policies [ 83 ].

Similarly, Samet and Yoon developed a gender equality framework for tobacco control which aimed to guide policy makers to keep gender in mind when implementing tobacco control measures [ 82 ].

Further, Greaves and Jategaonkar proposed an Ethical Framework for Tobacco Policy, which focused on developing gender sensitive and tailored tobacco programs and policies [ 84 ]. This model emphasised collaboration with communities which were potentially more vulnerable to smoking initiation and tobacco use, engaging girls and women in the research and policy processes to better meet their needs [ 84 ].

This was done by using collaborative methods to develop authentic partnerships with groups most affected. For example, research evidence provided detailed and nuanced information for clinicians about the range of factors that made smoking cessation difficult for different population subgroups of women [ 87 ], enabling programs to be tailored to meet the needs of women from culturally and linguistically diverse communities [ 88 , 89 ], social support interventions to be developed for women from low socio-economic groups [ 90 , 91 , 92 ], a reduction in the stigma associated with seeking support and the provision of, and access to, services for women who were experiencing social and economic disadvantage [ 92 , 93 ].

Researchers also considered differences in the effectiveness of public education campaigns for women. For example, studies recommended targeting different educational messages to women from different socio-economic groups, rather than relying on messages aimed at the general population which only influenced the behaviours of some groups of women [ 94 , 95 , 96 ].

How then may we draw upon the successful approach utilised by public health practitioners, researchers and policy makers in tobacco control, to develop a gendered approach to the prevention and reduction of gambling-related harm? The following framework Fig.

Gendered approach to gambling harm prevention. This framework is designed for preventing and reducing harm from gambling among women and explores and outlines the need for gender diversity in gambling research. The framework provides comprehensive regulatory direction, strategies for practical initiatives and a research agenda to minimise gambling harm for women both in Australia and internationally. The framework is divided into three sections; research, practice and policy. Each section is intended to complement and support the other sections.

Research shows that women have different experiences with gambling than men. It is therefore important that efforts are made to examine this in detail through a gendered perspective. Further, research should also explore the range of individual, socio-cultural, environmental and industry tactics that may contribute to, and influence experiences of, gambling harm [ 81 ]. Collecting and analysing gender-specific information will lead to the development of a robust research base, which will be informative for the development of interventions and policies that prevent and reduce gambling harm experienced by women [ 81 , 82 , 98 ].

They might also seek to advise all applicants seeking support that every research project will be expected to consider gender and whether or not it is an important variable in the research design of a particular project.

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Mcpherson, C. Raylu and Oei noted that the lack in empirical data on possible links between cultural variables and gambling behaviours prevents a systematic data-driven framework, and that any hltline links http://xspot.site/download-games/download-games-chuckii-booker.php to be first explored before they can be embedded within a theoretical framework. The introduction of casinos, clubs, and hotels that contained EGMs provided glamourous entertainment venues that were attractive to women [ 2425 ].

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McIvor, O. Dowling NA, Oldenhof E. Being a compulsive gambler can harm your health and relationships, and leave you in serious debt. J Psychiatr Res.

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Gender differences in risk and protective factors for problem gambling. Ji, L. Google Scholar Samu, K.

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International Journal of Mental Health and Addiction, 7 184— Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell; Notes 1.

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Gendered gambling domains and changes in Sweden. Sometimes when they cannot ajplify the relationship they seem to lose their credibility within their community. Methods We analysed Pacific subset data collected in a broad study on gambling harms in New Zealand. Collins, P. In Australia, the Victorian Prevalence Study reported that over one in ten

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Postby Nikozshura В» 17.08.2019

Real stories of recovery from gambling Tell your own story source post messages of support in the GamCare recovery diaries forum. Christianity, the formal religion acdiction most Pacific people identify with, is deeply embedded in Pacific cultures and often validates existing cultural values Macpherson Therefore, when gambling causes an individual to disengage from cultural activities and lose support networks, it can result in a reinforcing loop that enhances the degree of harm experienced or contribute to the development of mental health issues such as depression. Downs C.

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If you suspect you may be developing a gambling addiction, or if you recognise risk in someone you love, get help immediately. Call the Gambling Helpline — any time 24 hours. Problem gambling and family violence : family member reports of prevalence, family impacts and family read more. Further research is necessary to more fest understand the complexities of gambling harms experienced by Pacific people. SM explored and reviewed the literature, developed the gendered approach framework and contributed to the drafting and revision of the manuscript.

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New Zealand national gambling study: overview and gambling participation. Researchers then used this information to suggest changes to tobacco policies which were guided by a gender framework [ 82 ]. Not the same: a comparison of female and male clients addicttion treatment from problem gambling counselling services.

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Sports celebrity influence on the behavioral intentions of generation Y. Gambling is fun to do from time to time, but for others it can get out of hand and cause distress and financial problems. Traditional gift giving among Pacific families in New Zealand. Dyall, L. Capstick, S.

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For example, women who are vulnerable to participating in high-risk forms of gambling may need community-based interventions that provide alternative leisure activities or safe alternative venues. Southwick, M. Pacific Health Dialog, 17 279—

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